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    Keep me logged in. The Aikikai was barely functioning as an entity after the war until around During that period, Kisshomaru was simply attempting to hold the remnants of the aikido structure together until better times, without much thought to the future direction of the art.

    In fact, he was obliged to hold down a full-time job in a securities company to support himself and the rundown Aikikai dojo. Later on, as aikido began to gather some attention among the general public, it was Kisshomaru, in consultation with a group of elders and peers, who gradually began shaping the policies that would lead to a steady, if not spectacular, growth of aikido.

    The Aikikai adopted a series of measures starting in the late s that would soon ensure its success.

    This included the establishment of a growing network of branch dojos, and aikido clubs in universities and businesses all over Japan.

    Furthermore, the Aikikai dispatched a stream of Japanese instructors loyal to the mother organization to key locations in major foreign countries. Many of them in turn created large aikido organizations abroad.

    Kisshomaru and Koichi Tohei also published a series of books in the early s that appeared in English and other European languages. These works presented a technical and theoretical framework of aikido to a worldwide audience and established the Aikikai as the central authority of the art.

    O-Sensei was rather irascible by nature and often critical of Aikikai teaching practices. Consequently, he was largely marginalized and encouraged to absent himself from the Hombu.

    He spent much of his time traveling to meet with friends and students, and at his country home in Iwama. In this way, he would be less of an impediment to the smooth operation of the dojo.

    Obviously, I am focusing on the Aikikai worldwide network which dwarfs the many smaller aikido organizations that exist in size and influence.

    Taken collectively, the Aikikai organization consists of several tens of thousands of schools spread over all but the smallest countries of the globe.

    The administrative policies of the Aikikai were formulated and fine-tuned by Kisshomaru and his advisers over the years. This includes the dan ranking procedures and accompanying fee structures which constitute the main revenue stream of the organization.

    In the s and 90s, Kisshomaru developed an accommodating stance toward the acceptance of outside organizations into the Aikikai fold.

    This included the re-integration of groups that had earlier split with the Aikikai at the time of the resignation of Koichi Tohei in This is a policy for which he has been justifiably praised.

    Another sphere of influence in which Kisshomaru was dominant is the shaping of the image of his father, Morihei Ueshiba, for general consumption.

    This was accomplished by expunging most of the esoteric Shinto imagery that Morihei used in his speeches and lectures.

    In some cases, authorship was even attributed to Morihei himself. Professor John Stevens has translated and edited most of these publications in English.

    At that time, he was a bespectacled 42 year old, with a quiet and unassuming manner. He taught and demonstrated in a matter-of-fact way with little explanation.

    Nothing about him was flamboyant or overstated. I had periodical contact with Kisshomaru over the next 36 years and watched him transform into a dignified, paternal figure.

    Within the Aikikai, he became an object of reverence, always to be accompanied by a doting entourage.

    This august mantle was inherited by his son and present Doshu, Moriteru Ueshiba, and will no doubt be passed in due course to his son Mitsuteru.

    Morihei had a vast Universal view of the possibility of movement interaction, and human survival that went beyond a few techniques and one that that was not limited, strictured or put into a box of limitations.

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    Yes absolutely, income tax declarations in Andorra are presented once per year before the 30th of September for the previous fiscal year. This constitutes a system of government of the people , hence democracy in form.

    The exercise of individual rights and freedoms opens the doors for empowerment from below , and governance by the people. However, since minorities are not able to participate effectively in the political machinery or to benefit from the economic wealth of these countries in the same way as the members of the majorities, the system has serious weaknesses.

    However, in reality , this is possible only if states are politically and economically strong and able or willing to meet the needs of their citizens, including that of the marginalized members of the vulnerable groups.

    Otherwise, the latter will be unwilling to abandon their loyalty to their traditional identities and social structures since they are the basis for their survival.

    Whether this Western model of normative individualism works in the developing countries as it does in the West is an open question. Even in the more economically developed urban settings of these countries, social relations have a collective dimension.

    Unlike in the West, the governments on these continents are not politically or economically strong enough, to care for their citizens, with the exception of mineral exporting countries like the Gulf countries or the few industrialized Asian countries.

    The fact that the developing countries have a heterogenous social base, in contrast to the homogenous nature of the nation-states of Europe, also calls into question the idea of rule of the majority which underpins democracy in Europe.

    This model of majority rule, that is characteristic of Liberal or Libertarian democracy, is appreciated by the members of the majorities since the political system adopts their ethnic, linguistic or religious characteristics.

    It is those who belong to the ethnic or linguistic or religious minorities who fear marginalization and discrimination based on their identities.

    It is no wonder, therefore, that the system can even tolerate and protect the exercise of individual rights and freedoms that are directed against ethnic, linguistic or religious minorities.

    This is also why when the racist, Nazi and Fascist groups mobilize the members of the majorities against the minorities they do it under the pretext of nationalism, by even describing themselves democrats.

    For many of the African and Asian countries who have over one hundred smaller distinct ethnic, religious or cultural groups e.

    In most of these countries, the official languages used in the government offices, courts, schools, hospitals, employment areas, etc. By virtue of their numerical size these majorities can effectively dominate the other groups economically, politically, culturally, socially and in other respects.

    The fear of being dominated by other social groups, as well as the desire to protect and promote their own traditional collective interests, leads individual in these kinds of societies to think of their own narrower social groups rather than with the nation when the right to votes is exercised.

    Africans interact on a more communal basis. The other reason which makes normative individualism less attractive in countries that are not as economically developed as Western countries is that it is associated with calls to limit the role and authority of government in societal matters.

    People in countries with diverse social groups who suffer from neglect, deprivation and discrimination need centralized government policies and measures to provide assistance, for example, by expanding the infrastructure and providing education, health services, housing facilities and the like.

    This means government for the people. However, this is the exact opposite of what normative individualism calls for, particularly as inspired by the Randian political model.

    Under this formula an unemployed person is given the option of accepting or rejecting an offer of employment. A person who is discriminated against in the field of employment, education or health has nowhere to turn to because the government is discouraged from responding to these kinds of social and economic problems.

    A citizen who is bankrupted after being forced to sell his home to pay for medical treatment for family member or who becomes disabled or ill due to conditions at work should not count on help from the government since the rights to health and a decent standard of living are not recognized.

    The individual merits no support as a citizen since the government has no authority to respond to such problems. Those private individuals who try to help by providing support are ridiculed since altruism is considered as foolishness.

    This model is surely unacceptable in developing countries. Concerned by the loophole in human rights which normative individualism has created, some Liberals, such as Jack Donnelly, Will Kymlicka, John Rawls and those who appreciate the virtues of Utilitarianism offer different kinds of remedies in the interest of social justice.

    Jack Donnelly endorses economic and social rights but not group rights, except indigenous rights. Kymlicka accepts group rights including minority rights.

    Both these positions deviate from normative individualism. Embracing Utilitarian ideas also creates obvious tension with the Liberal and Libertarian ways of thinking, whose very premise, at least as formulated in the thoughts of John Locke, Immanuel Kant and Jean Jacque Rousseau is the defense of natural rights.

    According to Jeremy Bentham, the father of Utilitarianism and positivism, the notion of natural rights is nonsense because it is fabricated based on passions.

    This is why Utilitarianism maintains that if a right is worth its name it should have utility. The collectivist schools of thoughts, such as, Communitarianism, Socialism and Social-Democracy embark from a solid base which considers the self as a by-product of the community and the defense of the collective interests.

    Regarding the self as a by-product of the community leads to the idea of empowering communities.

    However, this creates tension inside multi-ethnic and multi-national societies, and may even lead to the disintegration of their states, as occurred in the former U.

    R, the Yugoslav Federation and Czechoslovakia. The challenge is to develop political models which extend democracy to the people of the state, as a whole, while protecting the interests of communities.

    The weaknesses of this theory include i the rejection of the civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights of the individuals, ii the use of the top-down approaches of governance by elitists central committees to dictate on the people, and iii the assumption that all sociological nations should have the right to create their own political nations.

    We have seen, time and again, how opposition can be silenced by being condemned as anti-social, reactionary, counter-revolutionary. The other problem with the Marxism model is its defense of national self-determination.

    The application of this theory would lead to the disintegration of multi-national states such as Russia, Spain and the United Kingdom as well as most African and Asian countries, as has already occurred in the former U.

    Moreover, this is likely to encourage smaller social groups, such as, indigenous groups, tribes, and religious and linguistic communities to also struggle either for separation or for some kind of autonomy, thereby further disrupting the fabric of national unity.

    Social democracy has navigated between these contrasting positions of Marxism, Communitarianism and Liberalism.

    It accepts the social nature of mankind and rejects the notion of political emancipation through proletariat revolution. The electoral system and multi-party system are embraced as the best means of protecting individual rights and freedoms.

    The interests of the broader community are promoted in two ways. This political model has been used for decades and continues to dominate politics in the Nordic countries, such as Sweden.

    This model tolerates the existence of rival political parties, such as Liberals, Leftists, extreme Right-wing parties and Christian Democrats.

    While the Social Democratic Party of Sweden is not as powerful as it used to be it is still the strongest of all the parties, and the dominance of social democratic ideas is such that even the rival parties do not dare to openly call for dismantling of the social benefits which Social Democracy has brought about.

    Interestingly, because Social Democracy has produced tangible results, the strategy which the populist parties use is to say that immigrants are threat to the nation and looting what is collected from the taxpayer.

    The American and French revolutions created shock-waves among despotic leaders near and far and inspired hope among the victims of oppression.

    The leaders of the uprisings in European colonies of Central and South America took advantage of the occupation of Portugal and Spain by Napoleon to struggle for independence and start out on a new, democratic way of life.

    The louder and wider the drums of revolution, popular sovereignty and self-determination echoed, the more colonialism and despotism lost ground in the American hemisphere.

    European despots too were left with a choice between peaceful change and bloody uprisings. Not surprisingly, constitutional proclamations upholding popular sovereignty started to make appearances in many places, even if what was promised and proclaimed was not always delivered.

    Article 49 of the May 17, constitution of the newly established state of Norway promised Norwegian citizens that the new order would place the legislative power in hands of their parliament the Storting.

    All public power originates in the people and is instituted for their benefit. This is not, by any means, to suggest that democratic governments were established everywhere or that the states which purported to be democratic were acting democratically.

    The point is made merely to underscore that popular sovereignty was increasingly invoked and formally acknowledged in the American hemisphere and in Europe including in Russia where a Communist form of governance had been proclaimed.

    The enjoyment of effective democracy, however, had to wait for several decades until the required institutions were fully developed and the citizens including women were empowered to exercise their democratic rights.

    The intention behind this proposal was mainly to legitimize of the contours of the new political borders of Europe. This was to be done by asking some of the inhabitants of the frontier areas to choose between the bordering states they preferred to belong to.

    Speaking before the U. The principle of self-determination was applied in a restricted way. The other innovative political development which occurred at this time was the establishment of the Mandate system.

    The manner in which this obligation was discharged was supervised by the League of Nations. The Mandates and Roles of the UN.

    More relevant to the present era is how the notion of democracy was developed by the United Nations as a legal concept of universal validity.

    This development came about after a long and twisted process of negotiations and international political cooperation.

    The mandates for being concerned with this subject-matter were enshrined in the UN Charter as purposes of this organization.

    According to Article 1 paragraph 3 they include the promotion of respect for human rights and finding solutions to international economic and social problems.

    Paragraph 2 of this same provision obliges the UN to promote the equal rights and self-determination of peoples as the basis for friendly relations among nations.

    Even if the word democracy is not explicitly mentioned in these provisions, it is obvious that the realization of these goals would further the process of democratization.

    Before explaining the road-map used by the UN to promote democratic values, it is important to remember two things. Firstly, the UN does not have the power to adopt legally binding decisions, other than those that concern international peace and security.

    This is why its guidelines on the promotion of democracy are merely guidelines, unless they are embodied in legally binding instruments which are ratified by states.

    Example of this includes the right to take part in government which is recognized in article 25 of the international covenant on civil and political rights.

    Secondly, when it comes to the kinds of political systems which best promote democracy, the view of this organization is that it does not endorse any particular model.

    Whether this is stated merely for the sake of politeness to respect the Charter principle of state sovereignty, it is up to the reader to decide.

    What is equally obvious is that the UN is urging states to conduct themselves in accordance with the Human Rights-Based Approach, which suggests that this approach is the only acceptable method of promoting and measuring democracy in the absence of other acceptable apporaches.

    These two approaches are closely intertwined. Ignoring one or the other leads to a distorted understanding of how democracy, as a concept, is perceived by the UN.

    The significance of these legal frameworks for democracy will be explored in more detail later. These include respect for human rights, and the promotion of economic and social development and other collective interests of the community.

    In Articles 73 and 76, this instrument addresses the rights of peoples inhabiting non-self-governing territories. Nor has it listed all the rights peoples have.

    However, it is apparent that its drafters took care to ensure that issues related to democracy were not left out altogether. The first bold step was taken in when it adopted Universal Declaration of Human Rights setting out the civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights of the individual.

    Article 21 of this Declaration specifies the role of democracy in guaranteeing human rights. Leaving this implicit endorsement of democracy aside, group rights, such as minority or indigenous rights and the rights of peoples to self-determination were left out from the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

    Since these states were in the majority, they were able to muster the necessary votes to recognize the right to self-determination as a human right [97] and to include this right in the two draft covenants on human rights which were prepared following the adoption of the Universal Declaration on Human Rights.

    The rest is history: colonialism was progressively dismantled, overseen by the Decolonization Committee, a process which led to the gradual advancement of democracy.

    In the decades that followed, the UN adopted important instruments re-affirming and elaborating the different rights of peoples, including their right to social progress and development, to sovereignty over natural resources and wealth, etc.

    Monitoring bodies were set up to assess the compliance with the provisions of these Covenants by the states that had ratified them. Of special importance to democracy is the acknowledgement made in paragraph 1 of article 1 of these two covenants that:.

    By virtue of that right they freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development.

    This provision acknowledges the political, economic, social and cultural dimensions of the rights which peoples have.

    The exercise of the political rights entitles a people, i. In addition, a people is also said to have the right to manage its domestic affairs by freely pursuing its economic, social and cultural development.

    How this is done is left to each people and its state. The UN is obliged by this provision to promote these goals, and members states have given their pledge to cooperate with these efforts, in accordance with article 56 of the Charter.

    International Human Rights Law. The UN Charter reaffirms that all human beings have dignity and worth.

    It also made the promotion of human rights and freedom sone of its basic purposes. Proceeding from these premises the UN acknowledged, in the legitimacy of civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights when it adopted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

    The unique contribution which this document has brought to the discourse on human rights and democracy are highlighted by six key points of interest.

    This statement slams the door on the Hobbesian model of governance. Second, it articulates rights and freedoms by individualizing them as the rights of individuals as desired by Liberals and Libertarians.

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